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Police force out supporters of ousted South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol outside his official residence in Seoul
There were more than 100 police officers and they were armed with an arrest warrant, but South Korean authorities failed to arrest suspended President Yoon Suk Yeol after a six-hour standoff outside his home.
That’s how long the standoff lasted with Yoon’s security team, who formed a human wall and used vehicles to block the arrest team’s path, according to local media.
It was an unprecedented month for South Korean politics: Yoon’s shocking but short-lived martial law order was followed by an impeachment vote against him. Then came the criminal investigation, his refusal to appear for questioning and, earlier this week, a warrant for his arrest.
The right-wing leader still has a strong support base – and thousands of people gathered outside his home Friday morning to oppose his arrest.
But, according to many testimonies, Yoon is now a disgraced leader: impeached by Parliament and suspended from office, he is awaiting the decision of the Constitutional Court which can remove him from office.
So why was it so difficult for the police to arrest him?
The men who guard the president
Although Yoon was stripped of his presidential powers – after lawmakers voted to impeach him – he is still entitled to a security team.
And these men played a key role in preventing Friday’s arrest.
The Presidential Security Service (PSS) could have acted out of loyalty to Yoon or a “misunderstanding of its legal and constitutional role,” said Mason Richey, associate professor at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in Seoul.
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Anti-Yoon protesters clash with police after investigators fail to arrest suspended president
Given that Yoon has been suspended, the PSS is expected to follow the instructions of Acting President Choi Sang-mok. “Either they have not received orders from Acting President Choi to withdraw or they are refusing his orders to do so,” Associate Professor Richey said.
Some experts believe the security guards showed “unconditional loyalty” to Yoon, rather than to the office itself. They point out that PSS leader Park Jong-joon was appointed to the position by Yoon last September.
“It may well be that Yoon has staffed the organization with hard-liners to prepare for precisely this eventuality,” says Christopher Jumin Lee, a US lawyer and Korea expert.
And Park’s predecessor was former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, who was accused of advising Yoon to impose martial law. He is currently being held for questioning in connection with the criminal investigation into Yoon.
A risk of escalation
The “simplest” solution, Mr Lee said, would be for Acting President Choi to order the PSS to stand down in the meantime.
“If he is not willing to do so, it could justify his own impeachment by the National Assembly,” he added.
Choi, who is finance minister, took over after lawmakers voted to remove Yoon’s first successor, Prime Minister Han Duck-soo.
This political impasse also reflects the polarization of South Korean politics – between those who support Yoon and his decision to impose martial law, and those who oppose it. And the differences don’t necessarily end there.
The vast majority of South Koreans agree that Yoon’s declaration of martial law on Dec. 3 was wrong and that he should be held accountable, says Duyeon Kim, an associate fellow at the Center for a New American Security — but they can’t agree. hear about what. what responsibility looks like.
“The actors involved disagree on the process, procedure and their legal basis, which adds to the current political uncertainty,” she explains.
That uncertainty also creates tense clashes like the one that unfolded Friday inside and outside Yoon’s presidential residence, where his supporters had camped for days, leading to fiery speeches and even skirmishes with the police.
Law enforcement could return with more officers and use force, but that would be “very dangerous”, Associate Professor Mason said.
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South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol
As the PSS is also heavily armed, the arresting officers would seek to avoid any escalation.
“What will happen if the police show up with additional warrants calling for the arrest of PSS members, (the PSS) also defy those warrants and then brandish their weapons?” » asks Mr. Lee.
Police have now said they are investigating the PSS director and his deputy for obstructing their work – so further charges and arrest warrants could be issued.
The consequences of Yoon’s martial law order also pose a challenge to the Corruption Investigation Office (CIO) which is investigating him.
It has only been operating for four years. It was created in response to public anger over former President Park Geun-hye, who was impeached, removed from office and then imprisoned following a corruption scandal.
While South Korean presidents have been imprisoned before, Yoon was the first to be arrested before resigning.
Investigators have until January 6 to arrest Yoon before the current arrest warrant expires.
They could try to stop Yoon again over the weekend, although the weekend could pose a bigger challenge if crowds of supporters increase. They can also seek a new warrant and attempt to arrest him again.
Given how far South Korea has slipped into uncharted territory, uncertainty is likely to persist.
Additional reporting by Ewe Koh