Political dynasties are not limited to tumultuous democracies like the Philippines | Photo: Shutterstock
5 min read Last Updated: 27 August 2024 | 08:48 AM IST
Karishma Vaswani
Despite being large and vibrant democracies across Southeast Asia, politics are increasingly returning to family control – a worrying trend that risks concentrating power in the hands of entrenched clan cliques, to the unfair disadvantage of the region's young, dynamic people who are increasingly frustrated by nepotism.
Southeast Asia is not an isolated case: Political dynasties are common in the West (think the Bushes or the Trudeaus), but what's different is how many familiar names have been resurrected since the turmoil and financial crises of recent decades toppled old regimes in many places.
Take the Philippines for example, clans have controlled funds and wielded influence since colonial times. Clans had privileges and were able to purchase land after Manila gained independence from US colonial rule in 1946. This gave them wealth and further elevated their economic status. Wealth helped them in their attempts to succeed in politics.
Six of the Philippines' past nine presidents have come from the Macapagal, Marcos, and Aquino clans. The current president, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., is the son of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos. During a visit to Manila to cover the 2022 elections, I was struck by how many ordinary Filipinos have conveniently forgotten the corruption and greed of the Marcos regime that was in power for two decades. The Marcos regime was toppled by street protests in 1986, but they had forgotten about it. Instead, they chose to believe the narrative told on social media that Marcos' son would bring back a golden age of prosperity and stability.
Tapping into family lore helps make this generation more appealing to voters. The children of political powerhouses are also rising in status in Thailand. Earlier this month, Pathongtharn, the 38-year-old daughter of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, was appointed to the post Thaksin once held (lost in a 2006 coup), a position her aunt, Thaksin's sister, Yingluck, also held until she was removed by the Constitutional Court in 2014.
Political dynasties are not unique to tumultuous democracies like the Philippines. In Cambodia, it has been a year since dictator Hun Sen handed power to his son Hun Manet after nearly four decades in power. (De facto, he still wields power behind the scenes as head of the ruling Cambodian People's Party and member of parliament.)
And then there's Indonesia, Southeast Asia's largest country and economic powerhouse. Last week, widespread protests halted a parliamentary session that could have given the outgoing president's son an easier path to power. Until recently, this vast archipelago was held up as a model of democracy in a region where corruption and nepotism, which never really went away, seem to be making an increasingly bold comeback.
When Joko Widodo was first elected president in 2014, he was seen as a breath of fresh air. With his humble demeanor and background as a provincial furniture maker, he came from outside the usual ranks of generals and elites that have ruled the country.
But Jokowi, as he is known, has used his second term to ensure his legacy lives on after he leaves office in two months. “Jokowi has formed coalitions with so many parties in parliament, and the power base he's built is reaching a point where he's impossible to challenge,” Elizabeth Kramer, a senior lecturer in the school of social sciences at the University of New South Wales, told me. “This allows Jokowi, and by extension his family, to protect their privileges and exclusivity, and to ensure that only a certain group of people can actually run and win elections.”
Indonesians are used to strong leaders with patriarchal ambitions, exemplified by Suharto, whose 32-year dictatorship ended amid violent protests during the 1998 Asian financial crisis. Among the complaints was that the former general turned a blind eye to the growing greed of his children, who used their status as his descendants to exploit the resource-rich country's economy at the expense of ordinary people struggling to make a living.
Some Indonesians are noticing the similarities: A popular news magazine reproduced a cover from the Suharto era, but this time featuring Jokowi's face and calling him “Raja Jawa,” or King of Java, a not-so-subtle allusion that Jokowi and his family live a life of luxury and are out of touch with ordinary Indonesians — a far cry from the image of a people-watcher he so carefully cultivated when he was first elected.
For now, at least, Indonesia's protesters remain committed to their country's democracy. Outgoing presidents and others in Southeast Asia with dynastic ambitions would be wise to look to Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Bangladesh's founding father who was forced to step down abruptly and humiliatingly earlier this month after two decades of uninterrupted rule that became increasingly authoritarian and disregarded human rights.
In the past, kings and queens would fight wars so their children could inherit the throne. But they weren't elected leaders, and the people had to put up with them. But that's not the case in today's democracy. Eventually, the people will have a voice. Leaders would be wise to keep their families where they belong – at home.
Disclaimer: This is a Bloomberg Opinion article and the opinions expressed are the personal opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of www.business-standard.com or the Business Standard newspaper.
First Published: 27 August 2024 | 08:48 AM IST
