The Democratic National Convention drew a large audience with prominent speakers and musical interludes that focused on unity and moving forward toward a more hopeful future.
But the upbeat mood is overshadowed by divisions within the Democratic Party over Israel's war in Gaza, with some delegates calling on Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris to support halting U.S. military aid to Israel.
While pro-Palestinian protests around the convention were much smaller than some had anticipated, Chicago police arrested at least 72 pro-Palestinian protesters on August 20, 2024. These activists have called for a U.S. arms embargo on Israel, which is not included in the Democratic Party's new national platform.
To gain a better understanding of the context of US-Israel relations and the strategic reasons why an arms embargo is unlikely at best, Amy Lieberman, political editor at The Conversation US, spoke with Israel studies scholar Dov Waxman.
Do you think Kamala Harris is likely to agree with the call for an arms embargo on Israel?
I don't think she would agree with those calling for an arms embargo on Israel.
First, as Vice President, and before that as a Senator, Kamala Harris has consistently supported US military aid to Israel, a position typical of most Democrats and most Republicans.
Opponents of U.S. military aid to Israel often argue that the aid is simply a function of domestic politics and reflects the power of the pro-Israel lobby, particularly AIPAC. I believe this view is shortsighted and overstates the power of the pro-Israel lobby.
This ignores the fact that the United States has its own economic and strategic reasons for providing military assistance — it is in the U.S. national interest, not simply a favor to Israel, which is why there is broad bipartisan support for continuing this military assistance.
While an arms embargo is unrealistic, there are more practical alternatives, such as conditionalities and restrictions on military aid, which are being increasingly debated among Democratic lawmakers.
How does U.S. aid to Israel benefit the United States domestically?
When the US gives military aid to Israel, the Israeli government does not pocket the money. A large part of the money the US allocates to Israel each year has to go towards US weapons. This is also largely true of US military aid to other countries, such as Ukraine.
The American weapons Israel buys are produced in factories across the United States, so many U.S. lawmakers have an interest in continuing that aid because the money ultimately flows into the country, creating local jobs.
Before the Gaza war, what was U.S. aid to Israel like historically?
Historically, Israel has received more foreign aid from the United States than any other country. In inflation-adjusted terms, the United States has provided Israel with more than $300 billion in total aid.
Initially, during the first decade after the founding of the State of Israel in 1948, the United States only provided economic aid to Israel, but during the Kennedy administration in the 1960s, the United States also began providing military aid. Today, the United States only provides military aid to Israel.
After Israel's victory in the 1967 Six-Day War, demonstrating its ability to decisively defeat its Soviet allies in the region, the United States significantly increased its military aid to Israel. This marked in many ways a turning point for U.S.-Israeli relations, because ever since then, the United States has viewed Israel as a valuable ally.
It was during the Nixon administration in the late 1960s and early 1970s that US military aid to Israel again increased significantly. This is noteworthy because Nixon was not a good friend of the Jewish people, but he increased US aid to Israel because of Israel's strategic interests to the US.
Since then, U.S. military aid has continued to increase steadily over the years, increasing over the past year in response to the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel and the subsequent Israeli invasion of Gaza.
I believe the main reason for continued military support to Israel under both Democratic and Republican administrations is that it is in the U.S. national interest.
How does U.S. aid to Israel serve American national interests?
A militarily strong Israel would help the United States counter common enemies.
During the Cold War, Israel helped to thwart the expansion of Soviet influence in the Middle East. For example, after Israel defeated Egypt in wars in 1967 and 1973, Egyptian President Anwar Sadat broke with the Soviet alliance and aligned with the United States, ushering in a long period of American hegemony in the region.
Israel's strategic value to the United States declined as the Soviet threat receded after the Cold War, but its longstanding counterterrorism experience and vaunted intelligence-gathering capabilities made it valuable again after the 9/11 attacks.
More recently, over the past decade or so, Israel has worked with the United States to counter growing Iranian influence in the region and slow Iran's nuclear program. While the two countries disagree over tactics, particularly over the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran, they each view Iran's growing regional influence as the greatest threat to regional stability and want to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon. The United States sees a militarily strong Israel as necessary to thwart Iranian expansionism.
Not only does Israel have the most powerful military in the region, it is also the only long-standing democracy in the region, albeit one that, in my view, has serious flaws. So from the U.S. perspective, Israel can help the U.S. achieve its strategic objectives in the region without the U.S. having to actually put troops on the ground to do anything.
Israel is also perceived to be a more reliable and less problematic ally than other major U.S. allies in the region, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.
After all, while Israel's treatment of the Palestinians and war in Gaza have alienated and angered many Democrats, especially progressives, most Democratic policymakers, including Harris, still believe it is in America's interest to support Israel — and providing military aid to Israel is still considered the best way for the United States to do that.
The real question is whether the United States should exercise greater oversight and control over how its weapons are used.
Dov Waxman is the Rosalind and Arthur Gilbert Foundation Professor of Israel Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
